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Multiculturalism, Immigration and Identities : A Transatlantic Comparison

10 juin 2010



Amphi J


site Monod, 46 allée d'Italie Lyon 7ème


PROGRAM





9:00-9:15 Welcome

9:15-9:30 Introduction
Christophe Bertossi, Ifri/Collegium de Lyon
Nancy Foner, CUNY

9:30-11:00 Muslims in Comparative Perspective
Chair: Nancy Foner, CUNY

Erick Bleich, Department of Political Science, Middlebury College
"What is Islamophobia? A Concept Formation and Three Challenges of Comparison"

John Bowen, Department of Anthropology, Washington University in St-Louis
"Why 'European Islam' is a Useless Concept:The Argument for Tracing Contrastive Genealogies"

11:15-12:45 Politics and History in Comparative Research on Migration
Chair: Josh de Wind, SSRC

Gary Freeman
, Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin
"Insights, Controversies, and Progress in the Comparative analysis of Immigration"

Leo Lucassen, Department of History, Leiden University
"Why Comparisons Through Time and Space Matter: Migration History as Social Science"



14:00-16:00 Addressing Race, Ethnicity, and Integration in Transatlantic Perspective
Chair: Christophe Bertossi, Ifri/Collegium de Lyon

Patrick Simon, International Migrations and Minorities Unit, INED
"How to Think 'Race" and Study Ethnic and Racial Divisions in a Color Blind Society: Sketches for a Transatlantic Comparison"

Richard Alba, Program in Sociology, Graduate Center of the City University of New York
"The Integration Imperative: The Children of Third-World Immigrants encounter the Schools of the West"

Eric Fassin
, Department of Social Sciences, Ecole normale supérieure/Iris (CNRS/EHESS)
"Articulating the Politics of Race and Immigration: New Reflections in the Transatlantic Mirror"


16:00-16:15 Conclusions


ABSTRACTS


  • Erik Bleich, Department of Political Science, Middlebury College

What is Islamophobia? A Concept Formation and Three Challenges of Comparison

Islamophobia is an emerging comparative concept in the social sciences. This paper tracks the rise and contested trajectory of this fluid concept in Europe and the United States. It also explores the extent to which it can be systematically measured using social scientific tools, focusing in particular on the challenges of comparing Islamophobia across time within countries, across countries themselves, and in comparison to prejudice directed at other status minority groups.




  • John Bowen, Department of Anthropology, Washington University in St-Louis

Why "European Islam" is a Useless Concept: The Argument for Tracing Contrastive Genealogies

Despite recent claims that Muslims are converging on a new European Islam', I argue that underneath superficial resemblances among statements and adaptationswhich one finds in other world regions as wellIslamic institutions and arguments have taken quite different directions in each of several major European countries. I focus on the cases of France and Britain to make the argument that Muslims' trajectories and host-country structures interact to generate specific, and indeed divergent, forms of Islam. I argue that despite the emergence of Europe-wide Islamic associations and the creation of somewhat similar national structuresIslamic Councils for examplethis finding supports arguments for path-dependency in the development of long-term European institutions.





  • Gary Freeman, Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin

Insights, Controversies, and Progress in the Comparative Analysis of Immigration

I had the mixed blessing of being one of the first political scientists to explore immigration politics and policy in a book-length comparative framework. From the perspective of thirty-five years in the business (A skeptic might ask, "Thirty five years and this is all you can come up with?"), I want to discuss several issues that I have struggled with in my scholarly career: (1) finding an acceptable balance between rich and theory poor description of a few cases and not so rich but theoretically driven generalization across many cases [all generalizations are false, including this one] (2) avoiding blindly following the "pro-immigrant" academic consensus without being consigned to the dark side; [there is no such thing as an unalloyed good in politics]; (3) sorting out the complex interplay of political economy and cultural factors in driving immigration politics [instrumental outcomes produced by rational actors versus ideology and prejudice]; (4) exploring the impact of immigration and the diversity it fosters on the political dynamics of welfare states [are welfare states compatible with open migration regimes?]; and (5) addressing the tension between diffuse public preferences and the power of organized interests [can immigration policy be both liberal and democratic?].






  • Leo Lucassen, Department of History, Leiden University

Why Comparisons Through Time and Space Matter: Migration History as Social Science

Migration and settlement processes in the past are often considered (both by historians and social scientists) as interesting, but in the end not really relevant for understanding present-day developments. Partly this understanding of the role of historical analysis is due to the idea that the past is merely the first phase of the present: nice to know, but not essential. Another argument for regarding migration history as scholarly frippery or (nostalgic) folklore is that the circumstances in past periods (or other areas for that matter) are so different that comparisons are useless. Finally, the production of historical knowledge about migration in the past can give way to a simplistic politically correct legitimization of the present: migration is a structural phenomenon of human societies, leading to the conclusion that there is nothing new under the sun, so why worry?

In my presentation, I stress that both now and then as well as here and there comparisons, provided that they are well designed and explicitly substantiated, are crucial to fathom both here and now as well as then and here. Such comparisons lay bare what elements are systemic and which are specific. Moreover, the results of comparing lead to new questions about causality and context. Such comparisons challenge us to look differently at the cases we know so well and therefore force us to leave our scholarly comfort zone. I will illustrate these points by using comparisons of both migration and settlement processes through time and space in Europe, the United States, and Asia.



  • Patrick Simon, Research Unit « International Migrations and Minorities », INED

How to Think Race and Study Ethnic and Racial Divisions in a Color-blind Society: Sketches for a Transatlantic Comparison

In the European context, the role of race is rarely mentioned in mainstream studies of integration. The divide occurs in Europe between research on immigration and integration, on the one hand, and research on discrimination, on the other. The same can be said about ethnicity, which, for many years, was indirectly addressed through the concepts of citizenship until the emergence of a second generation issue. In western European societies, most of the descendents of the labor migrants who came in the 60s and 70s have reached adulthood and are formally citizens of their country. But the persistence of an ethnic penalty puts some of the second generations at a disadvantage compared to their native-of-natives counterparts in access to the labor market and housing and even in educational attainment. Discrimination has therefore become a major political issue in Europe. The logic behind this discrimination is still debated: should it be understood as the repetition of a classical cycle -unequal treatments will disappear with assimilation of the 3rd generation and their social invisibility- or are we facing a new dynamic of exclusion based on an emerging saliency of ethnicity and race?

The saliency of race and ethnicity in everyday life, media and public discourse calls for a reappraisal of the alleged color-blindness of French society. The credo of indifference to differences - the French colorblind approach - has led to promoting what I would call the choice of ignorance by removing any reference to ethnic or racial origin from policies or laws -- in compliance with the Constitution -- as well as from statistics. But this official ignorance does not mean that race is not perceived and used as a cognitive category, or that it does not serve purposes of identification and affiliation of a growing number of racial minority members who claim recognition. The obfuscation of the ethnic and racial division of French society is not only occurring at the legal and political levels, but also has a great impact on the production of knowledge in social science. In this context, how can we study ethnic and racial formations without naming or identifying any groups or categories? I will develop my discussion on the basis of my experience of implementing a large survey on integration and discrimination, and will compare the controversies about this survey, and about the collection of data on ethnicity and race, with the kind of debate that takes place in the American context.





  • Richard Alba, Program in Sociology, Graduate Center of the City University of New York

The Integration Imperative:  The Children of Third-World Immigrants Encounter the Schools of the West.

An enormous challenge for the societies of North America and western Europe is to integrate the children of low-wage immigrants through educational institutions, so that these youngsters will be in a position to replace the huge baby-boom cohorts of native workers who will be retiring during the next quarter century.  This paper, based on a large-scale international project, begins the task of assessing how well these school systems are doing.




  • Eric Fassin, Department of Social Sciences, École normale supérieure / Iris (CNRS/EHESS)

Articulating the Politics of Race and Immigration: New Reflections in the Transatlantic Mirror

Are race and immigration part of the same problem? It all depends on what Michel Foucault called problematization. In the 1990s, France seemed oblivious to race, while the issue was most visible in the United States. Conversely, at that time, immigration occupied center stage in France, not in the United States. In the years 2000, the ground has shifted: race has (re?)gained prominence in France, while immigration has become, yet again, a red-button issue in the United States. This transatlantic evolution makes it possible to reflect on the various articulations of race and immigration. On the one hand, the American collision course between affirmative action and immigration policies can translate on the French side into a tradeoff between so-called diversity and anti-immigrant politics. On the other hand, the French debate on statistics that are part ethnic and part racial, and the racialization of immigration in France (and beyond, in Europe), help reflect on the American debates about Latino migrants and Arab-Americans, as well as the xenophobic reformulations of racism in the allegedly postracial Obama presidency.


 
 

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mise à jour le 3 juin 2010
Collégium de lyon